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Topics:
Civic Communication
Civic
Journalism
A New Approach to Citizenship
by
Lewis A. Friedland, Jay Rosen, Lisa Austin
It is no accident
that civic journalism began to appear in newsrooms across America
in the 1990s. Confidence in the institutions of the press has
reached an all time low, declining in proportion to the rising
anger and cynicism of the American people towards public life.
This erosion of confidence in our civic culture corrodes the very
rationale for journalism in a democratic society. If there is
no public to serve, and if journalism serves no public function,
then it becomes reduced to one other media institution among others.
Journalism
plays a special role in the public and governmental life of the
United States. It is protected in the Constitution because of
this central relation to civic culture, and because civic culture
is central to public life.
Civic journalism
proposes a new compact between the people and the press. It begins
with the understanding that journalists have a fundamental responsibility
for strengthening civic culture. Standing apart, as seemingly
neutral observers while public life collapses is no longer possible,
even if journalists wish that it were.
The culture
of journalism is well schooled in making separations: journalists
vs. those they cover; news vs. editorial; facts vs. values; print
vs. the electronic media.
Civic journalism
is about making connections between journalists and the communities
they cover, and between journalism and citizenship. It is first
of all a set of practices in which journalists attempted to reconnect
with citizens, improve public discussion, and strengthen civic
culture.
Second,
it is an ongoing conversation about the ultimate aims of journalism.
Public journalists are people who believe that the press should
take a far more assertive role in trying to make democracy work
than they have in the past.
Finally,
it is a growing movement of working journalists-print and broadcast-some
academics, philosophers, and a number of institutions who see
civic journalism as central to the reconstruction of public life.
Background
The public
or civic journalism movement began with the 1988 elections. Just
as many citizens around the U.S. were disgusted by a campaign
that focused on Willie Horton, Boston Harbor, and the Pledge of
Allegiance, so were many journalists. In separate institutions-city
rooms and news rooms, journalism think tanks and foundations-working
journalists and scholars began looking for a better way to cover
politics that would put citizens first, above politicians and
journalists alike.
In 1990
and 1992, several experiments began to cut a new path. In Kansas,
the Wichita Eagle began its "Your Vote Counts"
project during the 1990 elections. The paper polled Kansans to
determine the issues they most cared about, and then, bringing
their own knowledge to bear, editors identified 12 statewide issues
that election coverage would concentrate on. The Eagle
produced an issues watch for six consecutive Sundays leading up
to the election. Supported by its owner, Knight-Ridder, and in
partnership with ABC affiliate KAKE-TV the Eagle promoted
voter registration and turnout.
The experiment
carried over to a second Knight-Ridder paper, the Charlotte Observer.
With the aid of the Poynter Institute for Media Studies, the Observer
teamed with the ABC affiliate, WSOC-TV, to abandon "horse race"
coverage in the 1992 elections. A "citizen's agenda" was formed,
out of an initial poll and extensive community-wide interviews.
This research became the organizing principle for reader-driven
coverage. A "citizen's panel" comprised of five hundred poll respondents
served to keep the Observer focused on the citizen's agenda.
Citizen response was strong and clear, with more than 2,400 readers
calling the paper.
Public journalism
does not mean poll- driven coverage, or turning over the newspages
to readers. It simply means starting where citizens start and
going on from there to produce news coverage that is central to
their concerns. It also means improving the nature of public dialogue.
In Madison,
Wisconsin, a civic journalism project was launched. "We the People"
began as a joint effort of Wisconsin Public Television and the
Wisconsin State Journal. The two teamed up with public
television station KTCA of Minneapolis for a joint multi-site
town hall forum with Democratic presidential primary candidates
Bill Clinton and Jerry Brown. From there the project rapidly developed
into a full-fledged effort to bring citizens into the process
of political coverage. The project rapidly expanded to non-electoral
issues: a citizen's state property tax panel; a mock national
budget session tackling the deficit; and citizen grand juries
on gambling and health care reform. The forums are broadcast live
by public television stations in the Wisconsin state system, and
covered by the State Journal and two other papers. Citizens
wanting to participate send in coupons. Panels are then selected
from this pool to form an accurate demographic profile.
Early on,
We the People incorporated citizen deliberation into the
town hall process. Citizen panels met with facilitators and discussed
issues prior to broadcast. The citizens became the experts by
cross examining their representatives based on their own agenda.
The
Public Nature of Journalism
This activity-the
strengthening of civic culture by working to reconnect people
to their communities, draw them into politics and civic affairs,
and reclaiming the system as public property-is at the heart of
civic journalism. This requires redefining the relationship of
journalism to political coverage.
The American
people are as cynical about the institutions of journalism as
they are about their politics. They see "horse-race" coverage
as an insider's game, played by politicians and journalists with
each other, to the exclusion of the public.
It
is hardly an overstatement to say that the institutions of the
press-because of their ubiquity and influence-have become our
new political bosses.
-
Ellen Hume, 1991
Political
coverage is the arena in which civic journalism was born. Despite
growing diversity in the range of issues covered by civic journalists,
most still return to the reinvention of political coverage as
a starting point for reconnecting citizens and politics.
One of the
most ambitious efforts to push citizen election coverage forward
is the National Public Radio "Election Project." More
than 90 NPR affiliates teamed up to change the way they covered
the 1994 elections. In Boston, Seattle, Dallas, Wichita and San
Francisco, NPR staff worked with local newspapers on issues reporting,
polling, deliberative forums, citizens panels, and joint computer
bulletin boards. Beyond the city and state goals, the project
sought to strengthen ties between NPR member stations and NPR
affiliates.
In Boston,
the NBC affiliate WBZ-TV joined the Boston Globe and WBUR-FM
to focus on crime. The Wichita Eagle and KMUW-FM concentrated
on leadership and government trust. In Dallas, the Morning
News and KERA-FM were joined by public television station
KERA to cover political ethics, as well as citizen concerns about
crime. In Seattle, KUOW-FM directed coverage toward media ethics
and responsibility, while the Seattle Times cosponsored
community forums. In San Francisco, the Chronicle teamed
with KQED-FM and NBC affiliate KRON-TV to run a tri-weekly series
on issues stories. The Poynter Institute, Kettering Foundation,
and Pew Charitable Trusts collaborated on the project, continuing
the work begun in Charlotte.
In Florida,
six newspapers teamed up with twelve NPR affiliates to create
the Voices of Florida project, for joint coverage of statewide
citizen concerns. The six newspapers have a combined circulation
of 1.38-million. The St.Petersburg Times and Miami
Herald took the lead on the project, eventually bringing
in television affiliates in each city (including an independent
Spanish-language station in Miami).
In Hawaii,
KHET Public Television took the lead in a project modeled after
Charlotte, along with KHPR-FM, the Honolulu Star-Bulletin,
and KITV, an ABC affiliate with a strong community service tradition.
The group formed a citizen's panel (including outreach to ethnic
Japanese and Filipino voters) that resulted in five statewide
town hall meetings. Voter registration increased by 3.2 percent
over the 1992 election to reach its highest point in a decade.
The group is planning an "100 Days" town hall with the new governor,
Hawaii's first of Filipino ancestry.
Journalists
as Citizens
Improving
coverage of politics is an important first step toward reestablishing
the bonds of trust between journalistic institutions and public
life. The affairs of the political community are not assumed to
be someone else's business, but the common interests of journalists
and citizens. We believe that restoring the civic culture requires
that journalists declare they want public life to work. This means
declaring an end to neutrality on certain issues: whether people
participate in public life; whether a genuine debate takes place
when needed; whether a community comes to grips with its problems;
whether politics earns the attention it claims.
This does
not mean that journalists take sides in political debates or community
issues. The point is not that journalists should declare themselves
on partisan issues or specific candidates. It does mean that they
actively encourage public discussion, providing the public space
where shared information is translated into action.
[T]he
public journalist's newspaper is doing what the conscientious
citizen would do given the time and resources to do it: establishing
the facts; assaying the problem; sharing thoughts and ideas with
other conscientious citizens; resolving underlying issues, such
as core values; learning more from successes than from failures;
aggressively fostering a necessarily noisy but civil discussion
leading to democratic consensus.
- Buzz Merritt, Editor Wichita Eagle, 1994
Crossing
Lines: Living in one Community
One important
function of public journalism is the ability to cross traditional
media lines, to see communities as whole entities, and to utilize
many different media to address community needs.
For example,
the Pew Charitable Trusts have funded the "Renewing Our Democratic
Heart" program which encourages the teaming of newspapers with
local broadcast partners. One such grant has worked successfully
in Tallahassee, where the Democrat has teamed up with the
local CBS affiliate WCTV, and two state universities, Florida
State and Florida A&M for "The Public Agenda," a
major coverage and research project. The partners are jointly
sponsoring community issues forums and ongoing neighborhood discussion
groups over a two year period. The Democrat 's editor Lou
Heldman writes that Public Agenda is "really about changing the
way people think and act. If those now calling themselves 'residents'
or 'taxpayers' begin thinking of themselves as 'citizens,' and
acting in intelligent and empowered ways, it follows that public
officials will begin to think differently about citizens and their
own responsibilities."
Beyond cooperation
across traditional lines, civic journalism projects are also searching
out new techniques for getting stories from the grassroots. The
Wichita Eagle "People Project" was launched to
engage citizens in a search for solutions to problems that government
seemed unable to solve: schools that failed to teach, the growth
of gangs, political gridlock and family stress. The paper reported
on each issue in depth. But editors felt expanded coverage required
addressing the competing core values at the root of many problems,
but that were seldom addressed in the media. Teaming with partners
KSNW-TV and KNSS radio, the Eagle made space and
time available for "an informed discussion of critical issues"
which would produce solutions that the media partners, in turn,
were committed to implementing. "Opinion mapping" was one technique
used, in which the people and places in the community from which
ideas for solutions flow are charted systematically. As soon as
patterns emerge, reporters can begin to cover issues of community
concern, rather than waiting until problems explode into crises.
A similar
approach is the daily philosophy of the public life team of the
Norfolk Virginian-Pilot, a group of reporters charged with putting
public journalism principles into practice in their routine coverage
of politics and public affairs. Among their techniques is scheduling
regular "community conversations" with citizens to find out how
average people approach topics of public concern. The Pilot is
attempting to bring the citizen perspective into daily coverage
with the same ubiquity that citizens and experts now share.
The
Practice of Civic Journalism
Beyond crossing
traditional media boundaries and attempting to focus on whole
communities, civic journalism projects are tackling some of the
tough core issues at the heart of the agenda for building a new
citizenship: race, neighborhood life, children and youth.
In Akron,
Ohio, the Beacon Journal 's five-part project "A Question
of Race" won the 1994 Pulitzer Prize for public service.
The paper convened focus groups of blacks and whites which were
observed by reporters. Discussion centered on quantitative data
showing continuing disparities between the races. During the series
the paper invited community organizations to volunteer to establish
projects addressing race relations, and hired facilitators to
aid in project planning. With the last part of the series, the
paper invited readers to send in a coupon pledging to fight racism:
more than 22 thousand area residents responded, ten thousand of
whom were actively engaged in race relations projects by the summer
of 1994.
The New
Orleans Times-Picayune spent six months to develop "Together
Apart: The Myth of Race". One hundred sixty-six pages
of broadsheet print chronicled race relations in New Orleans from
slavery to the present day. More than 6,500 people called a voice-mail
box to comment on the series, which involved a biracial team of
20 newsroom staff working through their own views on race. The
series focused on personal experience, historical context, and
the divergent cultures of blacks and whites in New Orleans. The
goals of the project were to encourage "honest dialogue as a remedy
to fear, mistrust and rage" according to the paper's editor and
publisher, and to encourage discussion oriented toward action,
rather than passive blaming. Editor Keith Woods said, "we're essentially
talking about redefining the role of the news-paper...not just
in doing big projects, but in admitting that, especially in urban
America, (newspapers) have power, and because of the power, responsibility."
These were
not isolated projects. The Indianapolis Star published
"Blacks and Whites: Can We Get Along?" on the heels
of the Mike Tyson trial in 1992. Teaming with the local ABC affiliate,
the stories reflected citizen experience rather than expert opinion
which was a major departure for the paper.
In Madison,
the Wisconsin State Journal launched a major effort, "City
of Hope," to address the migration of low-income,
predominantly black, residents from Chicago and Milwaukee into
the largely white state capital. Teams of reporters looked at
crime and violence, employment, and deteriorating neighborhoods
and education. Before each section was published, editor Frank
Denton chaired an open community meaning, asking leaders for action
in response to the paper's findings. Wisconsin Public Television
profiled one year in the life of an African American woman's move
in a one-hour documentary, "My Promised Land: Bernice Cooper's
Story" which was covered by the paper.
Neighborhood
and Community
It is artificial
to separate race from neighborhood and community. The Charlotte
Observer has tackled these linked issues head on. In the
"Taking Back Our Neighborhoods" project, the Observer
targeted areas with a violent crime rate at least twice that of
the city as whole. Aided by a Pew grant to help Knight-Ridder
newspapers develop innovative coverage geared toward community
solutions, the paper again teamed with broadcast partners. Every
six weeks, the Observer focuses on one neighborhood. Coverage
describes general conditions in the area; outlines community response,
with attention to citizens who have fought back; and profiles
other neighborhoods where "the tide is beginning to turn" to offer
suggestions on ways residents can develop their own solutions.
Our goal is simple: we want to bring the community together to
better understand Charlotte's crime problem. We want to foster
a broader dialogue about what can be done, including citizens
most affected by crime. And we want to rally the entire community
to help these most troubled neighborhoods to help themselves.
-
Jenny Buckner, Executive Editor, Charlotte Observer,
1994
In Fort
Wayne, Indiana, the News-Sentinel has launched the
"Neighborhood Project." Five editors meet quarterly
with area residents and monthly with neighborhood association
officials to discuss ways to involve other community agencies
and organize informational meetings for public officials. Other
than the meetings, the paper donates no money or work for area
projects. Its goals are both to strengthen neighborhoods and the
paper's understanding of how to cover them. The project has resulted
in dramatic increases in citizen participation in the targeted
neighborhoods, with turnout for some neighborhood meetings tripling.
Lasting effects include greater connectedness between residents
and officials. Because the paper does not do for citizens, but
helps them to help themselves, residents themselves learn who
to contact to solve problems, and how to follow through.
Youth
Neighborhood,
race, and community are inextricably intertwined with the future
of America's children. Youth projects are an important focus of
the American Civic Forum, and they have been central to the growth
of civic journalism as well.
In Dayton,
the Daily News launched "Kids in Chaos: A Community
Response" in partnership with WHIO-TV, the local Kettering
Foundation, and Project Public Life and the Press. A series of
community roundtables drew more than 300 groups into a community-wide
discussion on juvenile crime. An ongoing series of major reporting
projects, first-person stories, and editorials culminated in a
series of family and local meetings, some of which were packaged
on WHIO. In Fall 1994 the paper published a special section on
juvenile crime including a background book prepared by the Kettering
Foundation for its National Issues Forums. More than 2,000 residents
participated in the project.
Detroit's
murder rate has led the nation, with children and adolescents
among the main victims. To address this crisis, WTVS, the public
television station developed a multi-year, multi-dimensional,
community outreach project, "City for Youth" in 1992.
The goal is to improve the life experiences of Detroit youth and
to connect citizens with the agencies and services that serve
families. The station produced documentaries, town meetings, television
forums and pulpit exchanges in a project that continues. Complementing
this effort, the Detroit Free Press launched a "Children
First" campaign in January 1993. A public forum with Attorney
General Janet Reno drew 1,100 parents and professionals, while
ongoing reportage including a weekly Sunday "Children First"
feature emphasized community solutions.
Conclusion
Civic journalism
is an ongoing experiment. Like many projects of new citizenship
movements, it is rooted in the diverse practices of local communities.
There is no one right way to do civic journalism.
There are,
however, basic principles. The journalist's primary orientation
should be toward citizens and their concerns, with the relationship
to politicians and insiders seen as secondary-important, but only
insofar as it illuminates what matters to citizens.
A public
is something more than a market for information. Publics are formed
when we turn to face common problems in argument, dialogue, discussion,
and .
Fostering
this view means that journalists must shift from seeing readers
or viewers as audiences to seeing them as citizens; from seeing
consumers to members of a community.
Information
is relatively segmented pieces of data; knowledge is information
made usable. Wisdom adds more: knowledge that has meaning added,
structured, guided, and informed by an evolving value and conceptual
framework
-
Harry Boyte, Commonwealth, 1989
Changing
some of American journalism's most fundamental assumptions will
not be quick or easy. But the first steps have already begun in
working newsrooms across the country.
Resources
Hume, E.
(1991). Restoring the Bond: Connecting Campaign Coverage to
Voters: Harvard University: Joan Shorenstein Barone Center
on the Press, Politics and Public Policy.
Miller,
E. D. (1994). The Charlotte Project: Helping citizens take
back democracy. (Vol. 4). St. Petersburg, Florida: The Poynter
Institute for Media Studies.
Public
Life and the Press: A Progress Report: Project on Public Life
and the Press. Department of Journalism, New York University,
10 Washington Place, New York, NY 10003-6636 (updated quarterly).
Rosen, J.
(1992). Politics, Vision, and the Press: Toward a Public Agenda
for Journalism, The New News v. The Old News: The
Press and Politics in the 1990s, (pp. 3-33). New York: Twentieth
Century Fund Press.
Rosen, J.
and Merritt, B. (1994). Public Journalism: Theory and Practice.
Dayton: The Kettering Foundation.
Organizations
Pew Center
for Civic Journalism. 601 13th St. NW, Washington, D.C. 2005.
(202)331-2000.
Poynter
Institute for Media Studies. 801 Third St. South, St. Petersburg,
FL 33701. (813)821-9494.
Project
on Public Life and the Press. Department of Journalism, New York
University, 10 Washington Place, New York, NY 10003-6636. (212)
998-3793.
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